In the month of December of the year 1994, there was a 12yr old boy honored as a hero. Iqbal Masih had been a child slave in a Pakastani carpet factory. Five months later Masih had been murdered in his own homeland. Though his life was taken, his actions live on as he inspired middle school students world-wide and adults to help free and educate the child laborers. This is a powerful story of a courageous boys life and death. Masih was a remarkable boy who lived a very full, inspirational life in a tragically short life spand of only twelve years.

The story of Iqbal changed my perception of a child's place in the world. Who would have thought a four-year-old could be sold for approximately twelve dollars and forced to work in a rug factory? Who could imagine that a twelve-year-old Iqbal could speak for the rights of children in Pakistan?

This book made me angry and it made me cry. Susan Kuklin describes the lives of poor Pakistani families who are forced to sell their children into a life of bondage. This compelling piece of creative non-fiction is aimed at the middle school market, but the story is universal, and the black and white photos allow the reader into a world that is not an urban tale--but all too real. A must read for anyone that is interested in the future of the world's children.

I'm a media specialist at BelleVue Middle School in Florida. A small group of students and I read this book together. My students were shocked that many villages in Pakistan are too poor to have schools. They compared younger brothers and sisters to Iqbal in the factory. They learned a great deal about mobility and what it would be like to not have it. This book has a helpful index and glossary of terms as well as descriptive side-bars that make research easy.

This book (based on the author's doctorate thesis) is a good sociological review of various reactions to the West and Westernication by Iranian intellectuals. The personalities discussed in the book fairly represent the various intellectual factions. The author has done his homework by reading the original sources, analyzing and synthesizing them in an easy-to-read book. This book will be of great interest to the Western intellectuals and scholars as well as to the Iranians interested in tracing the roots of their worldviews. For the latter, it should be noted, that the book has also been translated into Persian (Roshanfekran-e Irani va Gharb, by Jamshid Shirazi, Farzan Pub., Tehran, 1378).

What started as a dissertation paper is now an excellent historical account of post-revolutionary Iran framed in the context of the key intellectuals of the time. Boroujerdi's work is exemplary in that it covers both the secular as well as religious (and those in-between) intellectuals of the time. He offers commentary and criticisms and doesn't fail to point out hypocrisy where encountered. A smooth and fast read, however, a pen and paper are useful as one encounters a multitude of interesting references that scream: "read me!"

This is a scholarly book (actually based on the author's doctorate thesis at Oxford) about Iran's intellectual modernity in the twentieth century. It begins with the intellectual roots of the Constitutional Revolution toward the end of the Qajar Period and ends with the 1970s -- prior to the Islamic Revolution. A sequel to this book would be Iranian Intellectuals and the West (1996) by Mehrzad Boroujerdi (also a scholarly book based on the author's doctorate thesis, and available from Amazon.com).

This is perhaps the most in depth and perceptive analysis of the role of intellectuals in Third World societies in general and Iran in particular. Rich in detail, based on meticulous research, and well-written, this is a good read for those with more than a passing interest inthe subject.

This is an outstanding work marked by objectivity and concern for the truth. It takes the reader away from the superficial and one-sided way in which the U.S. government and media portray Iraq, its history, people, and politics. The work carries a great deal of information that the U.S. public needs to know. I found it an eye opener that combines scholarship with straightforwardness. The chapters on archeology, Baghdad in the golden age, art, music, literature, history, and Iraq/Iran are most enlightening and charming. The chapters on some religious and ethnic communities, the sanctions, and politics provide information to a large extent unknown to the U.S. general public. The contributors impress me as excellent scholars, who have tried to support their views with historical facts and logic and, and who have undogmatically presented the reader with various points of view about some controversial issues, (see, for example, the issue of Halabja in the chapter on the Kurds). To call this kind of scholarly work "politically motivated" is to make a politically motivated statement intended to turn away the public from coming to know the truth about certain matters related to Iraq and our policy concerning it.
The criticism that the work has no chapter on Saddam Hussein is rather silly. This work is not about a man, but about a country. Hussein and his regime are mentioned in many chapters, and they are described as oppressive. However, to devote a separate chapter to Hussein would require the inclusion of many other chapters about many other man who have shaped the history of Iraq, including George Bush, the father and the son.

I strongly recommend this remarkable collection of essays on Iraq and congratulate Professor Inati for his thoughtful and careful work that we badly need.

This is an outstanding work marked by objectivity and concern for the truth. It takes the reader away from the superficial and one-sided way in which the U.S. government and media portray Iraq, its history, people, and politics. The work carries a great deal of information that the U.S. public needs to know. I found it an eye opener that combines scholarship with straightforwardness. The chapters on archeology, Baghdad in the golden age, art, music, literature, history, and Iraq/Iran are most enlightening and charming. The chapters on some religious and ethnic communities, the sanctions, and politics provide information to a large extent unknown to the U.S. general public. The contributors impress me as excellent scholars, who have tried to support their views with historical facts and logic and, and who have undogmatically presented the reader with various points of view about some controversial issues, (see, for example, the issue of Halabja in the chapter on the Kurds). To call this kind of scholarly work "politically motivated" is to make a politically motivated statement intended to turn away the public from coming to know the truth about certain matters related to Iraq and our policy concerning it.
The criticism that the work has no chapter on Saddam Hussein is rather silly. This work is not about a man, but about a country. Hussein and his regime are mentioned in many chapters, and they are described as oppressive. However, to devote a separate chapter to Hussein would require the inclusion of many other chapters about many other man who have shaped the history of Iraq, including George Bush, the father and the son.

I strongly recommend this remarkable collection of essays on Iraq and congratulate Professor Inati for her thoughtful and careful work that we badly need.

Together with Islam in Global History, Volume 1, this is the only book which gave me a global perspective on the events and personalities that have shaped Islamic history.

A unique work that goes beyond the Middle East and presents a global view of the events that have shaped Islamic history.

The only thing to say about this collection of insightful essays is that it is perfect. Nowhere else can one find such succinct, incisive writing about a topic so deliberately obfuscated as the Middle East. In one essay, Orr writes an exact history of Israel in nine pages. Major news media organisations, such as TIME and NEWSWEEK, would do well to follow. Their pages-long analyses of Israel and the Palestinians lack the focus and commitment to honesty that Orr exudes on every page.

Orr's credentials are rock-solid, too: he is a citizen of Israel and a former member of the Israeli Defence Forces, so he knows that nation from the inside. While he believed at first in the righteousness of Israel's cause, as a soldier and member of civilian society he came to see the true, criminal nature of the state. He compares its siege mentality to that of the Nazis, a comparison only a Jew can make.

If you haven't time to digest great tomes on Israel and the Middle East, sift through this one-hundred page beauty and emerge a more enlightened man.

This slim volume is like a slender candle that sheds much light over a topic that seems so confusing. Until you read this book, you may never understand why the Mid-East "Peace Process" was still-born. Orr weaves together short essays that leave an indelible impression on the tangled origins and uncertain future of America's closest ally in the Mid-East, Israel.

Book uses unique overlay technique that allows the reader to see what a historical site looks like today as well as what it looked like in its prime. Excellent reference material for pilgrims to the Holy Land. I bought it in Israel and bought three more for friends when I got home.

Trying to picture the past is often diffcult. This book is an outstanding reference and visual aid for anyone touring or studing Israel. Each of the major sites is shown today and with an overlay of it's former glory.

I believe nobody can deny the high quality of this book. It is not only about the history of Israel-Arab struggle but also about the history of European diplomacy toward Israel and Arab nations. Professor Sachar classified European political leaders (Adenauer, Erhard, Brandt, Schmidt, Kohl, de Gaulle, Pompidou, Giscard d'Estaing, Mitterand, Chirac, Kreisky, Eden, Wilson et el) into pro-Israel and pro-Arab, and showed how some of them (for example Willy Brandt) had to shift their stances according to situations. But this book also contains some factual errors most of which are trivial. I'd like to point out one thing which seemed to me more than trivial. In page 226 and 227, the author said,"In 1967 a cabal of army colonels seized power (in Cyprus), and held it for the next 7 years in an effort to press through enosis, a union of Cyprus with the Greek mainland. Yet all the colonels achieved for their effort was international isolation and a Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus in 1974." But according to 'Oxford Dictionary of Twentieth-Century World History,' (see page 154-155, 384) the coup occurred in 1974 instead of 1967. Despite this error, this book is too good for only 4 stars.

Howard Sachar has done it again! Like his previous works, he has weaved another great tale. The book goes into detail about Israel's diplomatic efforts vis-a-vis the Europeans. The book deals with such as issues as German Reparations to Israel, European aid or lack of aid in Israel's quest for survival, the furtive German arms sales to Israel of the sixties, as well as relations with the various other European powers. Granted, much of the book is a "cut and paste" from his other books, but still a great effort. Finally, the book shows the "relevance" of German-Israeli relations. During the Gulf War, Hans Dietrich Genscher gave the Israeli's aid in the form of three submarines. One of them, the Dolphin, was just launched. These vessels are armed with nuclear missles. Given that the EU is moving towards forming a separate military command from NATO, and that the EU may become a new superpower, this book's importance should not be underestimated in understanding the future of European-Israeli relations. Undoubtedly, it will be the defining work for years to come on the subject; a masterpiece!

These essays should read as dated. They do not. Though Oz' non-fiction tends to be uneven, as this collection is, they are amazingly rewarding reading. He's not only a wordsmith but a passionate writer who defends peace in the Middle East without ever becoming the least bit sentimental about how enemies must go about this. Now, when there is no peace, and none on the horizon, he is still well worth reading and re-reading. He knows whereof he speaks & writes--some of these essays were lectures he's given--and his energy is contagious. Good reading for writers and well as readers. Great reading for peace lovers who are, of necessity, confused during these darkening days.

Beautifully written essays that illustrate the problems of the Holy Lands frankly and passionately. Oz brings me my first real understanding of both sides of the struggle in Israel. He succeeds with the clarity that has alluded most news teams, and does it in a way that degrades no one. As always Oz's writing, is remarkable.

The author provides the reader with an extremely informative and insightful explanation of why we have been unable to achieve peace in the middle east. The book's discussion of both blatant and subtle propoganda is clearly referenced with bibliographies. The years of research and the effort which went into writing this book is readily apparent. The author's style and analytical abilities are indeed commendable.

The book is hard-hitting but readable. The author makes the case that when we assume that those from the Middle East see things as we do, we make a grievous error. Although apparently written before 9/11, he predicts these awful events precisely because we fail to understand the "honor shame" codes of our adversaries. There is a particularly well written chapter (a post-script) about the 9/11 tragedy.

The book is wrenching, in one sense, because when we no longer assume that we have rational negotiating partners in the Middle East, then at least initially, we can expect much continued violence--at least until the various and sundry dictators are removed from office and genuine democratic reform occur in the Arab and Middle Eastern worlds.